The Rohingya Crisis: An Analytical Essay on Systemic Persecution, Failed Repatriation, and the Imperative for Accountability

Introduction: The Rohingya Crisis – A Global Humanitarian Challenge

Myanmar was turned into a "majority minority." They are a global and entire humiliation. It's humiliating itself when it's against its evil face, against blind argument. We are before an ethnic group named 'Rohingyas,' invaders to our country. They are an ethnic group that caused wars in the supply of social enemy. This informed long history, which Arab communities were forward players. Humanity got hurt through only a single, but horrible, unforgivable offense, really named what is above than affordable and unforgivable genocide. Myanmar military's actions, which include murder, sexual violence, and forced displacement, amount to crimes against humanity. Taking this into account, Myanmar became a mass displacement for 700,000 Rohingyas from the Rakhine region of Myanmar, which was followed by violent military operations. The situation resembled a child being raped by his/her parents who were in charge of his/her protection.

Historical Roots of Marginalization and Statelessness

The Rohingyas have historically been excluded from Myanmar's national consensus. This move is due to the Citizenship Law of 1982, which essentially made them stateless by refusing to recognize them as one of Myanmar's 'national races'. Myanmar is largely dominated by the Bamar community, which comprises almost 70 percent of its population. Both the Bamars and Arakanese of Rakhine regard the Rohingyas as historically invaders who were brought under British rule. Nationalist organizations and state actions have exacerbated this situation. Gradually, the tension between the other ethnic Rohingya communities has periodically erupted in violence, most notably during the pogroms of 2012 and the 2016-17 military-led operations, which involved atrocities against the Rohingyas and caused their displacement. The other communities in Rakhine have, in some instances, actively supported these campaigns, seeing them as a means to reclaim hereditary land and assert demographic dominance. Although the Rohingya had faced attacks and discrimination before, the 2012 violence in Rakhine State marked a turning point in their marginalization, setting the stage for more violence. However, earlier episodes—1978 and the early 1990s—also involved large-scale crackdowns and expulsions, driven by state-led operations aimed at excluding the Rohingyas from citizenship and forcibly displacing and oppressing them. Seeking more expertise on this, Nicolas Cheesman has explored the conceptual underpinnings of Myanmar's exclusionary national identity, showing how the legal and social construct of 'national races' has come to supersede citizenship in determining access to rights. His work illuminates the system. L.P. Leider, in his book Rohingya: The History of Muslim Identity in Myanmar, has unpacked the contested narratives surrounding the Rohingya's origins, highlighting how these interpretations have been weaponized by both the state and national movements to justify exclusionary practices.

Key events shaping the crisis include large-scale crackdowns and expulsions of Rohingya in 1978 and the early 1990s, which were early state-led operations aimed at exclusion and displacement. The adoption of the Citizenship Law in 1982 legally rendered Rohingya stateless. The pogroms and communal violence in Rakhine State in 2012 marked a turning point in Rohingya marginalization. Violent military-led operations in 2016-17 led to atrocities and mass displacement , with 700,000 Rohingyas displaced in 2017. More recently, the July Revolution in Bangladesh in 2024 ousted former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina , and on April 8, 2025, Bangladesh's Mohammed Yunus announced Myanmar's agreement to take back 180,000 Rohingya, an initial diplomatic step met with skepticism by refugees due to lack of safeguards.

Myanmar's Actions: Documented Crimes Against Humanity

The evidence unequivocally points to the Myanmar military as the central perpetrator of atrocities against the Rohingya. The military's actions explicitly include murder, sexual violence, and forced displacement. These are not isolated incidents but characteristic features of the military operations that directly led to the mass displacement of 700,000 Rohingyas. These actions are contextualized within Myanmar's broader pattern of ethnic hierarchy, militarization, and state-sponsored exclusion. The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) has provided authoritative and officially documented crimes committed against the Rohingyas, concluding that the Myanmar military's actions, which include murder, sexual violence, and forced displacement, amount to crimes against humanity.

The Rohingya Experience: Displacement, Resistance, and Lack of Trust

The mass displacement for 700,000 Rohingyas has had devastating and far-reaching consequences. The crisis has resulted in children becoming parentless and people losing their livelihoods. C. Kall's ethnographic work specifically highlights the lived experiences of Rohingya refugees, detailing the profound long-term psychological and socio-economic impacts of displacement and the cost borne by survivors. Despite a recent announcement on April 8, 2025, by Mohammed Yunus, who heads the administration in Bangladesh, that Myanmar had agreed to take back 180,000 of the 700,000 Rohingya as an initial step , many refugee Rohingya remain deeply skeptical of any deal. This skepticism is rooted in the absence of internationally-monitored safeguards, nor guarantees that they will get justice or restitution once they return. The preference for guaranteed safety and stability is further indicated by the fact that some thought that being settled in a third-country willing to accept them is a realistic and secure option. A critical and concerning development is the increasing draw of a section from Rohingya youth to armed political resistance. This trend is directly attributed to their frustration stemming from years of statelessness, the large-scale denial of their guaranteed rights, and a lack of meaningful repatriation prospects. The Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA), active since at least 2016, has been the most visible armed group, whose attacks triggered massive crackdowns by Myanmar security forces. Other militant outfits include the Rohingya Solidarity Organization (RSO) and smaller, less known factions, some with alleged links or shifting allegiances. A fundamental barrier to any resolution is the deep-seated lack of trust between the Rohingya and other communities in Rakhine State. This distrust undermines prospects of peaceful co-existence and complicates any repatriation or reconciliation efforts and is embedded in Myanmar's broader pattern of ethnic hierarchy, militarization, and state-sponsored exclusion.

International Responses and the Challenge of Repatriation

Since the mass displacement of 700,000 Rohingyas in 2017, international efforts to facilitate their safe, voluntary, and dignified repatriation have repeatedly failed. This consistent failure underscores a persistent systemic issue in the global response to the crisis. These repeated failures are attributed to a combination of factors, including entrenched structural barriers, volatile security, persistent lack of notice, and a lack of political will. A critical analysis suggests that discussions framed through high-level diplomatic negotiations often fail to take into account the deeply fragmented political, security, and social landscape of Rakhine State. The recent Bangladesh-Myanmar repatriation agreement, announced on April 8, 2025, where Myanmar agreed to take back 180,000 of the 700,000 Rohingya , serves as a case in point. While presented as a significant diplomatic development, it has been met with profound skepticism by the refugees themselves, precisely because of the absence of internationally-monitored safeguards, nor guarantees that they will get justice or restitution.

Analysis of International Legal Frameworks and Enforcement Gaps

A robust international legal framework exists for statelessness and refugee protection, forming the backbone of global legal responses to statelessness. This framework includes numerous United Nations treaties and conventions, such as the 1951 Refugee Convention, the 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons, and the 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness. However, the Rohingya crisis has starkly revealed the practical weaknesses of these instruments. The crisis has shown that these instruments lack robust enforcement mechanisms and often rely on State cooperation, which is not forthcoming in the case of Myanmar. The analysis concludes that these frameworks have neither adequately addressed the conditions that lead to protracted statelessness nor provided effective pathways for accountability or restitution. For its part, the Transnational Institute's report The Arakan Army and the Politics of Ethnic Armed Resistance in Myanmar offers a comprehensive examination of the AA's rise and its ambivalent stance toward the Rohingyas. Why international legal frameworks have so far failed to prevent the marginalization of the Rohingyas or resolve their problems has yet to be answered.

The 1951 Refugee Convention defines who is a refugee and their rights, but it lacks robust enforcement mechanisms and relies on state cooperation, which is absent from Myanmar, and does not adequately compel states to address root causes of displacement. The 1954 Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons establishes a framework for the protection of stateless persons, but similar to the Refugee Convention, it lacks strong enforcement, and Myanmar's non-recognition of Rohingya citizenship undermines its application. The 1961 Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness aims to prevent and reduce statelessness, yet its effectiveness is limited by state willingness to adhere and implement, with Myanmar's 1982 Citizenship Law directly contradicting its spirit and purpose.

Socio-Political Dynamics and Underlying Causes

The Rohingya crisis is not merely a result of spontaneous conflict but is deeply rooted in systemic, long-standing injustices. A 2020 report from the International Crisis Group found that the 2012 communal violence in Rakhine was not inevitable but rather the outcome of deep-seated structural discrimination and political neglect. The pervasive distrust between communities is embedded in Myanmar's broader pattern of ethnic hierarchy, militarization, and state-sponsored exclusion. This complex interplay of power structures, where one ethnic group dominates and the military plays a disproportionate role, perpetuates divisions and enables persecution. This multi-layered nature of the conflict extends beyond simple state-perpetrated violence; it also involves other communities in Rakhine who have actively supported these campaigns to reclaim hereditary land and assert demographic dominance.

Humanitarian and Socio-Economic Impacts

The human cost of the Rohingya crisis is immense and multifaceted. The violence and displacement have abandoned hundreds of children parentless, made most lose their livelihoods. C. Kall's ethnographic work specifically emphasizes the long-term psychological and socio-economic impacts of displacement and the cost borne by survivors. Many countries have welcomed them with open arms and care. They were arrested under tortures from the suspected aid-hackers.

Conclusion: Pathways to Accountability and Sustainable Resolution

The Rohingya crisis represents an enduring stain on the global conscience, characterized by systematic human rights violations and a persistent failure of justice. Despite the crimes that took plenty of lives, abandoned hundreds of children parentless, and made most lose their livelihoods, why mankind never punished Myanmar's suitable end evils is wanted at all levels. The persistent lack of accountability for crimes against humanity is a critical and perpetuating factor in the crisis. The analysis consistently highlights that international legal frameworks lack enforcement mechanisms and that Myanmar's cooperation in addressing the crisis is not forthcoming. The global community's role extends beyond humanitarian aid. We, the global community, should find them along with care, as they are now hoping only for pats and welcomes.

Recommendations

Based on the comprehensive analysis of the Rohingya crisis, several recommendations are put forth to guide future international efforts towards accountability, protection, and sustainable resolution. To ensure accountability and justice, there is a need to advocate for the activation and utilization of international legal mechanisms, such as referral to the International Criminal Court, establishment of ad hoc tribunals, or application of universal jurisdiction, to investigate and prosecute those responsible for murder, sexual violence, and forced displacement, as authoritatively documented by the UNHRC. Furthermore, sustained financial and technical support for ongoing efforts to document atrocities and collect evidence is crucial for building robust cases for future prosecution, ensuring historical record-keeping, and laying the groundwork for restitution. For protection and safe repatriation, it is imperative to insist that any future repatriation agreement must include comprehensive internationally-monitored safeguards and explicit guarantees that they will get justice or restitution, as consistently demanded by Rohingya refugees. These safeguards must be non-negotiable, independently verifiable, and prioritize the safety and dignity of returnees. Repatriation must be genuinely voluntary, ensuring the safety, security, and dignity of returnees, which requires concrete measures to address the pervasive lack of trust and the volatile security situation in Rakhine State, including demilitarization and the establishment of effective protection mechanisms. For individuals who cannot or choose not to return due to ongoing security concerns or lack of guaranteed rights, supporting and expanding third-country willing to accept them as a realistic and secure option for resettlement is also important. Addressing root causes requires advocating strongly for the repeal or fundamental reform of the discriminatory 1982 Citizenship Law to ensure the recognition of Rohingya as citizens with full and equal rights, thereby dismantling the legal basis for their statelessness. It also involves supporting and funding initiatives that actively deconstruct the weaponized historical narratives that portray Rohingya as invaders, promoting educational programs and public discourse that foster a more inclusive national identity in Myanmar. Implementing and supporting programs aimed at building trust and facilitating genuine reconciliation between the Rohingya and other communities in Rakhine is essential, as these efforts must address underlying grievances, competing claims over land and resources, and promote peaceful coexistence. To strengthen international legal frameworks, there is a need to explore and develop innovative mechanisms to strengthen the enforcement of international conventions on refugees and statelessness, moving beyond reliance on state cooperation that has proven not forthcoming in the case of Myanmar. This includes exploring the role of regional bodies and civil society in monitoring and advocating for compliance. Maintaining consistent, coordinated, and robust international diplomatic pressure on Myanmar to address the crisis comprehensively is also vital, ensuring that any agreements are substantive, rights-based, and not merely superficial gestures to deflect international criticism. Finally, for humanitarian and developmental support, it is necessary to continue and expand humanitarian assistance to Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and internally displaced persons in Myanmar, ensuring equitable access to food, shelter, healthcare, and education. Implementing targeted programs addressing the long-term psychological and socio-economic impacts on survivors, including mental health support, trauma counseling, education, and sustainable livelihood opportunities to enable self-reliance and dignity, is crucial. Providing adequate and equitable support to countries like Bangladesh that have generously hosted large numbers of refugees, recognizing the significant burden they bear and ensuring that their efforts are sustainable, is also important.